Parliament and reporters: A tale of half-truths, spin

By Tabu Butagira

I am catching the tail end of a war of words between the Ugandan Parliament and journalists accredited to cover its proceedings.

The Clerk to Parliament, Ms Jane Kibirige, wrote to media houses on March 9, asking editors to swap reporters who have covered the August House for five or more years with new ones. There are 51 of such current or past journalists listed in an attachment to the letter. The clerk’s reason: Satisfy the “interest of balanced media coverage of the Parliament.”

Then followed the opprobrium. Affected journalists threatened court action to reclaim their rights to exercise media freedom guaranteed under Article 29 of the Constitution should dialogue and outright protest fail.

Subsequently, Deputy Speaker Jacob Oulanyah said whereas he was not party to the decision, the “letter should be treated as a letter, its command as no command”. This notwithstanding, there was, and still is, no consensus within the media fraternity on the touchy matter.

It is, however, the clothing of the contests and demonstrable insincerity on both sides that I want to hazard thoughts on.

Parliament’s objection is to what it perceives as “negative and biased” stories about the institution. Well, the House should cure itself of infractions, deviant characters, dubious acts or just do their work right to earn “positive” publicity.

That said, we as journalists should also be humble and candid enough to subject ourselves to just scrutiny. It’s in the interest of good journalism for those doing a stellar job to mentor others and uplift the overall industry standards.

I have other dissenting views, however. First, the frontline journalists argue that Parliament’s is a capricious act devoid of logic and a scheme to substitute them with rookies. That’s not entirely accurate unless editors choose to assign newcomers as replacements. There are experienced reporters on editors’ lists to deploy, who know the difference between a motion, bill, an Act of Parliament and law; committee and plenary sessions; rules of procedure; and, do read the Hansard, ministerial policy statements and other parliamentary reports.

The legitimate argument that current journalists covering the beat should be making, and one I can subscribe to if backed by evidence, is that they are a gem for their newsrooms because years of experience has enabled them to cultivate sources and trust among staff and MPs, resulting in exclusives. And that they cannot weave similar stories when out of the House, an unlikely scenario. That is before factoring in the high attrition rate among MPs every election cycle, requiring journalists’ fresh encounters in every new Parliament. Or being institutional repositories such as Helen Thomas (whom veteran journalist Vukoni Lupa-Lasaga cited in a comment on a Uganda Journalists’ Facebook group thread), who, as a White House correspondent for 37 years, covered eight American Presidents.

Experience has no value in itself unless applied resourcefully to a positive purpose, in this case quality news.

Second, that it’s a foul scheme by officials wary of critical reporting to enlist a crop of pliant journalists to cover the House. No. Only journalists themselves can choose to be weak-kneed, not a source or institution they cover.

And the last combative difference of opinion is that Parliament is arrogating to itself through the backdoor the prerogative to sieve individuals eligible to cover it. That’s a partial truth. By routinely accrediting journalists to cover proceedings — an exercise that involves the exercise of power to approve and reject applicants — Parliament has in practice already been deciding which journalist can or cannot report from inside the House. This invalidates the claim that it is a nascent practice.

The truth is that beats such as Parliament, police and courts are equivalents of improvised explosive devices within newsrooms. They draw wedges and or ascribe values of importance, even power, among reporters while editors routinely face accusations of favouring those they deploy “where the news is ready”.

That journalists on such beats are loathed by some colleagues within newsrooms is not in contest, particularly where editors pile pressure by evaluating reporters’ performance based on story count.

This is why rotation of journalists on beats, in some cases and without the need for external prodding, is welcome, especially if fraternisation with sources is past the elbow.

Tabu Butagira

The author is a Ugandan journalist and a Fulbright (Humphrey) fellowship alumnus.



  1. You Must Set Forth At Dawn. Wole Soyinka. Exile.
    Some people from Nigeria’s big house would inform him about some schemes there.
    Though in exile, he would get to know ahead of some back home about what the big man was plotting.
    So, one does not have to be within the precincts of Parliament to get info about the place, the people there.

    I am wont to counter such pieces. This time, I just can’t. The article makes valid points.

    Still, I am afraid if Ms Rebecca Kadaga, the Speaker of Parliament, knows the headlines are, or are often, crafted by the sub editors, she might recommend that they too be rotated – should she be displeased with a particular headline, not the rest of the story.

  2. Very well-put, sir!

  3. Thanks, Nelson Wesonga and Simon Kaheru, for reading the article and providing feedback. Let’s keep the conversation and reality check alive.

  4. I agree with you entirely. Unless journalists have bought titled plots of land in parliament, they should not grey in parliament. I find that there is much more interesting news in the countryside than there is about committees and such. Senior Journalists should in fact be assigned to investigative stories and not sitting in the gallery all 525600 minutes

  5. An article as this is reason for the roots in ACME.

    On the issue at hand, well-articulated, I immediately turn to the acts of a colleague: “Pitfalls of calculated double-standards.”

    Mr. Colleague and a team extensively covered the plight of death-row ‘condemned’ persons at Luzira. His team confirmed that there were at least 3 of over 100 cases covered, which were inappropriately upheld all through the ranks of Uganda’s judicial system. One evening, as the team went about spirited advocacy, the colleague returned home at Agaliiko-nfuufu time, and the screen showed mob-lynching of suspected pickpocket. My colleague bellowed: “I wish I were there, I would burn him alive. We are tired of thieves.”

    ACME is precisely in time to strengthen the good cause, on the one side.

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